This study investigates dimensions of class consciousness (cognitive, affective, evaluative) in Israel and analyses their relationships to alternative and overlapping objectively conceived class classifications. Variance in a number of interrelated cognitive dimensions was found to be mainly associated with class classifications that focus on work-occupational situations, but none of the affective/evaluative dimensions were found to have a uniform relationship with any class classification. Israel is similar to many other industrial nations with respect to the pattern and strength of most class consciousness dimensions, but the political dimension is especially weak and this is related to the importance of the Labour political and union organizations in the control and regulation of the Israeli economy.
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TY - JOUR
T1 - Class Consciousness in Israel
AU - Ayalon, Hanna
AU - Ben-Rafael, Eliezer
AU - Sharot, Stephen
N1 - Funding Information: Ayalon Hanna Tel-Aviv University, Israel Ben-Rafael Eliezer Tel-Aviv University, Israel Sharot Stephen Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer Sheva, Israel 9 1987 28 3-4 158 172 sagemeta-type Journal Article search-text 158 Class Consciousness in Israel SAGE Publications, Inc.1987DOI: 10.1177/002071528702800303 Hanna Ayalon Tel-Aviv University, Israel Eliezer Ben-Rafael Tel-Aviv University, Israel Stephen Sharot Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Beer Sheva, Israel and ABSTRACT This study investigates dimensions of class consciousness (cognitive, affective, evaluative) in Israel and analyses their relationships to alternative and overlapping objectively con ceived class classifications. Variance in a number of interrelated cognitive dimensions was found to be mainly associated with class classifications that focus on work-occupational situations, but none of the affective/evaluative dimensions were found to have a uniform relationship with any class classification. Israel is similar to many other industrial nations with respect to the pattern and strength of most class consciousness dimensions, but the political dimension is especially weak and this is related to the importance of the Labour political and union organizations in the control and regulation of the Israeli economy. Class Consciousness in Israel DISCUSSIONS ON CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS have rarely been part of the discourse on stratification and inequality in the sociology of Israel. Attention has focused on the "ethnic gap" between Ashkenazim, Jews of mainly European descent, and Mizrachim (` `Easterners"), Jews from Asia and Africa, and disputes among Israeli sociologists have revolved mainly around explanations of this gap (Smooha, 1978; Swirski, 1981; Smooha and Peres, 1981; Hartman and Ayalon, 1975). Marxist analyses have made references to class conflict within Israel, but this theme has been subordinated to, or conflated with, ethnic conflict and the division between Arabs and Jews. The relative absence of class consciousness, which is assumed rather than demonstrated, is explained by nationalism, the centrality of ethnicity, and the uniqueness of the Israeli form of capitalism in the form of cooperation between the private sector and the bureaucracy of the Labour sector (Machover & Orr, 1971; Zureik, 1979). * We wish to thank the Ford Foundation for the funding, received through the Israel Foundations Trustees, of this research. Authors are in alphabetical order to denote equal contributions. 49159 On those few occasions when non-Marxist or non-radical Israeli sociologists have discussed class and class consciousness they have also emphasized Israel's "exceptionalism". Eisenstadt (1985), in particular, has pointed to the "unique" features of Israeli society in accounting for the assumed absence of class consciousness. He writes that the central theme in the development of the Israeli labour or socialist movement was a pioneering one; the emphasis on the creation of a new Jewish working class had strong national connotations. It was the leadership of the labour movement that attained the centre of economic and political power and the "usual European class divisons" between capitalists and workers were largely absent. It is indeed the case that a most important factor in accounting for the failure of class consciousness to become politicized in Israel is the long-standing political and economic power of the Labour "establishment" made up of the Labour party, the Histadrut (the General Federation of Israeli Workers), and their related agencies. The Histadrut is much more than a federation of trade unions; it is a vast industrial, commercial, and financial empire which employs nearly one quarter of the total labour force. The Histadrut and the government, sometimes in cooperation, control a large part of the economy, and about two-thirds of all strikes in Israel occur in the public sector. Israel is exceptional not only in the combination of trade union and entrepreneurial functions but also in the extensive control of the trade union organization by political parties. The centralized system in which trade union leaders are nominated by the political parties and elected in accordance with the support that the party receives in the union's elections has enabled the Labour party to combine political and economic control over a large proportion of workers. About ninety per cent of organized workers are members of the Histadrut, and the basic union cells of the organization, the Workers' Committees in plants and workshops, are chosen on a political basis. Political support also determines managerial appointments in the industrial and other economic enterprises of the Histadrut, and most key positions, whether in trade union or managerial roles, have been filled by members of the Labour party. Under this system there is considerable inequality in earnings, status, and power, but few workers are likely to perceive the Labour alignment or the Histadrut as organizations that support their class interests against employers or controllers of capital. These unusual features of Israel's political economy are important in a consideration of class consciousness, but we contend that Israel's "excep- tionalism" have been over-extended by sociologists, Marxist and non-Marxist alike. One problem here has been the tendency to ignore the multi-dimentional aspects of class consciousness and to consider only the presence or absence of its visible manifestations in politicised forms. Where, as in Israel, the politicised facets of class consciousness are weak, it has been concluded prematurely that class consciousness as a whole is weak or absent. We expect that the findings on certain dimensions of class consciousness, such as images of the class structure and feelings of class deprivation, will be similar in Israel 50160 to those found in other capitalist societies. This is because the extent and struc- turation of inequality in Israel are broadly similar to other capitalist nations, and especially to those nations where a large percentage of the labour force is in the public sector. In many respects, class consciousness may be found to differ little from what has been found in many western countries, but it remains hidden because the major political parties are divided principally by positions on issues that are rarely reflections of the divergent economic interests of classes. The division between "left wing" and "right wing" in Israel does not focus on the distribution of wealth or on the appropriate weight of the private and public sectors of the economy (Ben-Porath, 1983); it focuses on the nation's boundaries, on foreign policies, and on the national-cultural images of the society. In order to explore the extent to which class consciousness in Israel is similar to and different from other societies, it is useful to distinguish cognitive from affective and evaluative dimensions of class consciousness. Similarities may be found with respect to some dimensions, and differences with respect to others. The investigation reported below examines to what extent the dimensions of class consciousness are empirically related to each other, and this is followed by an investigation of the relationships of the class consciousness dimensions to a number of alternative and overlapping class classifications. When class consciousness is divided into a number of dimensions, it may be found that, whereas certain dimensions are correlated most clearly with a particular class classification-say one based on ownership or control of productive forces-other dimensions are more significantly related to an alternative classification, such as one based on occupational status. Sample and variables Interviews were conducted in 1982/3 with a disproportionate stratified sample of 826 male residents of Beer Sheva, the largest town in southern Israel. Most respondents were between the ages of 30 and 50, were married with children, and had migrated to Israel in their childhood or youth. The sample was composed of about equal proportions of four origin categories (Iraqi, Moroccan, Polish, and Rumanian), and an effort was made to obtain a similar distribution of socio-economic status in each group of origin. The sample enabled us to examine the independent effects of sub-ethnic origins and socio-economic status. Differences among the groups of origin were found to be considerable with respect to ethnic identities and consciousness (Ayalon, Ben- Rafael and Sharot, 1985, 1986), but country of origin was not found to have a significant effect on class identity and consciousness. The sample included sufficient numbers of blue-collar, white-collar, and self-employed to allow for a comparison of the connections between a number of class classifications and several dimensions of class consciousness. The dimensions of class consciousness investigated in this study are set out in Table 1. This framework substantially parallels or overlaps with other dimensional 51161 Table 1 Dimensions of Class Consciousness schemes of class consciousness (see, for example, Lopreato and Hazelrigg, 1972; Jackson and Jackson, 1983; Phizacklea and Miles, 1980; Ben-Porat, 1985; and especially Landecker, 1981). Three general dimensions, class structure, identity, and struggle, were divided into cognitive and affective or evaluative aspects. Information on the cognitive aspects of the three dimensions was obtained using the following questions: (1) Respondents were asked how many classes they believed exist in Israel; they were requested to name them and indicate their relative sizes. (2) To obtain self-location, respondents were asked, in an open choice question, to what class they belonged. (3) Respondents indicated on a six-point scale the level of conflict that they perceived between their class and another class (or other classes); the scale ranged from "no conflict whatsoever" to "especially severe conflict". Information on the affective/evaluative aspects of the three dimensions was obtained using the following questions: (1) Respondents were asked separate questions on their class's share in the economic area, its social prestige, and its political power. In each area, respondents indicated whether they believed that their class receives more, as much, or less than it deserves. (2) Respondents were asked on a six-point scale whether they took pride in their class; the scale ranged from "no pride whatsoever" to "very proud". (3) Respondents were asked whether they believed that there was a need for their class to organize politically. Possible relationships were investigated between these class consciousness dimensions and a number of classifications of class according to objective measures. The findings for six classifications will be presented below. The classifications are: (1) The distinction between wage earners and independents or self-employed. (2) The distinction between those who have authority over other workers and those who do not. (3) The distinction between white- and blue-collar workers. (4) A three-class classification of blue-collar employees, white-collar employees, and independents. (5) A five-class classification which divides both blue- and white-collar employees into "higher" and "lower" categories (the independents remain a separate category). White-collar workers were divided according to occupational prestige: "higher" white- 52162 Table 2 SES Scores of Five Class Categories; averages and standard deviations collar are mainly professionals and managers, and "lower" white-collar, who are in the middle range of occupational prestige, includes many clerks. Blue-collar workers were divided according to whether they had authority over at least one other worker or not. (6) Socio-economic status based on occupation, education, and housing density (number of rooms in house in relation to number living there). Calculations were made with SES both as a dichotomous variable (higher and lower SES categories) and as a continuous variable. In the latter case, calculations were also made with the three variables that made up the SES index.' 1 The five-class classification was constructed to incorporate as many as possible, within the constrictions of our sample, of the important distinctions among classes made in the stratification literature (Giddens, 1973; Parkin, 1979; Wright, 1985; Poulantzas, 1975). Since it incorporates most of the distinctions in the dichotomous and three-class classifications, it is used in Table 2 to show the SES scores of the class categories. The overall SES scores and the scores of all three components that make up the index indicate sizeable differences among the four salaried categories. The greatest difference is between the higher white-collar category and the rest. Within the self-employed category there is considerable differentiation, but overall the scores are relatively low and very close to the higher blue-collar category. Cognitive aspects Studies in western industrial societies have found that the number of classes most frequently distinguished by respondents is three (Bell and Robinson, 1980; Coleman and Rainwater, 1978; Lopreato and Hazelrigg, 1972; Phizacklea and Miles, 1980; Britten, 1984; Hiller, 1975; Scase, 1974). Israel 53163 is not an exception here (Table 3), but the proportion of respondents who said that there were two classes was somewhat higher than in other countries. When asked to name the classes, the majority used terms that can be classified into three categories: (1) a work-based terminology of employers and workers (or wage earners); (2) a terminology based on income and wealth (rich, poor); (3) a strata terminology of high, middle, and low. There were clear relationships between the number of classes given and the terms used to name them (Table 3). A very large proportion (78 % ) of those who said that there were two classes used the terms employer and employee or independent and wage earner. Those who distinguished three or more classes were far more likely to use terms referring to wealth or a strata terminology. When asked to name the largest and smallest classes (Table 4), the majority of respondents with a dichotomous image named workers (or wage earners) as the largest class, but a not insignificant 23% named employers as the largest class. Respondents with a trichotomous image in terms of wealth or strata were more likely to name the middle class as the largest. Table 3 Class Terminology by Number of Classes -.--... - 1 Reduction of N is due to missing data. Table 4 Largest Class Named by Number of Classes Reported 1 Reduction of N is due to missing data 54164 Whatever their class image, the great majority of respondents identified with the class that they perceived as the largest in the society. In identifying their own class, the vast majority of respondents chose one of two terms: "wage earner" or "middle class". These self-locations were in response to an open question, and neither of the labels appeared anywhere in the questionnaire (13 °~o of respondents did not answer this question or did not identify with any class). Other terms such as worker, employer, upper class, lower class, rich, poor, were used by respondents when they were asked to name the classes of the society, but very few respondents used these terms to identify themselves. (The questions on class structure were asked prior to the question on self-location). A clear link was found between class self-identification and images of the class structure (the correlations among the class consciousness variables are given in Table 5). The two most common class identifications, wage earner and middle class, corresponded to two images of the class structure. The majority of respondents who identified as wage earners had a dichotomous image of the class structure, and the majority of middle class identifiers had a trichotomous image. Some sociologists have suggested that a dichotomous classification is related to a conflictual image of the society; when people believe that the interests of their class are diametrically opposed to another, Table 5 Correlations (Pearson) of Class Consciousness and Individual Work Satisfaction Variable 1 Dummy variable: "1" wage earner. "0" middle class. 2 The variables (a, b, c) were coded as follows: " 1 " my class receives less than it deserves; "2" my class receives as much as it deserves; "3" my class receives more than it deserves. 3 Dummy variable: "1" respondent supports political organization of own class. "0" respondent does not support political organization of own class. Note: The N ranges from 750 to 806 depending on the missing data with respect to the different variables. 55165 they are likely to perceive a single division (Dahrendorf, 1959; Landecker, 1981). Our findings did not support this hypothesis (Table 5); perception of class conflict was not correlated with self-identity or class images (for lack of support in other societies see, Graetz, 1983; Lopreato and Hazelrigg, 1972; Jackson and Jackson, 1983). Only a minority of respondents perceived an acute form of conflict between their class and another, but in this respect Israel is little different from other western industrial societies. Summarizing the cognitive dimensions, class self-identification and images of the class structure formed an interrelated complex, but neither dimension was found to be related to perceived class conflict. Affectivelevaluative aspects Only about one quarter of the sample perceived a general unfairness in the distribution among the classes of wealth, prestige, and political power, and in this Israel is not different from other industrial societies such as Britain and the United States (Robinson and Bell, 1978). Those who believed that their class received less than its due in the economic sphere were also likely to believe the same with respect to the prestige and political power of their class, but the relationships between these measures of class deprivation and class pride and the need for class politics were slight. About half of the respondents indicated a high level of pride in their class, but less than one fifth supported the political organization of their class. Even among those who expressed economic class injustice, only 28 % said that there was a need for their class to organize politically. Turning to the relationships between cognitive and affective/evaluative aspects (Table 5), respondents who identified as wage earners and had a dichotomous image were no more likely to express pride in their class, and only slightly higher percentages said that their class received less than what it deserved and supported political organization of their calls. Those who perceived acute class conflict were also slightly more likely to believe in class injustice and the need for their class to organize politically. Class consciousness and individual work and mobility evaluation One third of the respondents expressed dissatisfaction regarding their salary and possibilities of promotion, and one fifth were dissatisfied with the nature of their work (these dissatisfactions were highly correlated-see Table 5), but personal dissatisfaction with their work did not contribute significantly to respondents' class consciousness. Respondents who expressed dissatisfaction with their work, salary, and possibilities to advance were somewhat more likely to perceive class conflict, to say that their class had not received what it deserved, and to support class political organization, but the percentages of respondents who expressed individual economic and work dissatisfaction were considerably larger than those who perceived acute class conflict, expressed distributive injustice among classes, or supported class political organization. 56166 Table 6 Correlations (Cramer's V) Between Objective Class Cla6sificall*ons and Dimensions of Class Consciousness Objective classifications and class consciousness Table 6 shows the correlations between the dimensions of class consciousness and six models of class classification. Table 7 shows the differences (in percentages) of five classes on the dimensions of class consciousness. Whatever class classification is used, the correlations with the cognitive dimensions of class consciousness are uniformly low but all in the expected direction. The tables show that, among the employees, the lower the class or socio-economic score, (a) the greater the tendency to identify as wage earner rather than middle class, (b) the fewer classes perceived, (c) the greater the use of class terminology based on worker-employer and wealth distinctions rather than a strata terminology, and (d) the greater the perception of class conflict. The independents were understandably the least likely to identify as wage earner, but they were as likely as the lower blue-collar category to emphasize wealth in their class terminology. 57167 Table 7 Class Consciousness of Five Class Categories ( 9lo) The only correlations to reach .2 or more are class self-identification with the wage earner-independent and the five-class classifications, and perceptions of class structure and conflict with both the white-collar/blue-collar and SES classifications. When SES is broken down into its three components, occupational status is found to have the highest correlation with perception of the class structure and to have the same correlation as residence density with perception of class conflict. The similar correlations of the white-collar/blue-collar and 58168 SES classification with the cognitive dimensions of class consciousness are explained by the considerable overlap of the two elassifications.2 2 There are a number of explanations in the literature for the inverse relationship between objective location in the class or socio-economic hierarchy and the number of classes perceived. Our findings do not support the hypotheses that people in the lower strata are less educated and tend to make dichotomous classifications of many phenomena so that their dichotomous classification of classes is just one manifestation of this general tendency (Landecker, 1981). Nor do our findings support the hypothesis that dichotomous classifications are found among workers who do not exercise authority over others and that three or more classes are perceived by those who exercise authority and possibly receive it also (Dahrendorf, 1959). Our correlations of class perceptions with both occupational prestige and the blue-collar/white-collar classifications suggest that class images are related primarily to different occupational and work situations. Dichotomous classifications reflect the situation of many blue-collar workers and some white-collar workers in low ranks who perform similar tasks with others in their work place and among whom there is little status differentiation and few opportunities for mobility. Perceptions of three or more classes reflect the situation of many white collar workers who perform different tasks from others in their workplace and among whom there is considerable status differentiation and opportunities for mobility. The differences in work and occupation situations are also associated with variance in the perception of class conflict, but differences in wealth (as measured by housing density) are equally associated with variations in perceptions of class conflict, and, as we have noted, there is little association between dichotomous images of the class structure and perceptions of class conflict. The correlations of the class classifications with the affective/evaluative dimensions of class consciousness are mostly in the expected direction, but they are very low (Table 6) and they are not monotonic (Table 7). The lower blue-collar category included the highest percentages who expressed class injustice and supported the need for the political organization of their class, but differences among the other categories did not show a uniform trend. With respect to individual satisfactions, the lower the class or SES score, the higher the dissatisfaction with work, salary, and the possibilities of advancement. Among the employees, the lower blue-collar category demonstrates by far the highest levels of dissatisfaction in all three areas, but with respect to satisfaction with work and the possibilities of advancement the lower white-collar category demonstrates slightly higher levels of dissatisfaction than the higher blue-collar category. The higher blue-collar category were differentiated from the lower blue-collar category in terms of their positions of authority over other workers, and we note that, compared with the other class classifications, the dichotomous authority classification has the most significant correlation with individual satisfactions. However, although individual dissatisfactions are associated with beliefs in class injustice, they have little implication for the support of political class organization. 59169 Conclusions Our major empirical findings may be summarized as follows: (1) There is a significant crystallization of the following cognitive dimensions: class self-identification, number of classes perceived, and class terminology. These dimensions are mainly associated with the work-occupational situation: the wage earner identification, a dichotomous image, and a worker-employer terminology are associated with blue-collar employees and lower occupational status; the middle class identification, a trichotomous image, and a strata terminology are associated with white-collar employees and higher occupational status. (2) There were no clear breaks in identification or images between or among the classes; neither the blue-collar/white-collar distinction nor the professional- manager/other workers distinction fracture the monotonic association of these dimensions with socio-economic status. (3) Perception of class conflict is inversely related with socio-economic status, but its relationships with the other cognitive dimensions were insignificant. (4) There is little cyrstallization of the affective/evaluative dimensions (class deprivation, pride in class, and desire for political class organization) either with each other or with the cognitive dimensions. Feelings of class dissatisfaction and support for political class organization are higher among the lower blue-collar category, but none of the affective/evaluative dimensions has a uniform relationship with any class classification. (5) The majority of the lower strata, including those with a dichotomous image of the class structure, do not perceive an acute form of class conflict, nor do they indicate high levels of class deprivation or the need for political organization. (6) Individual dissatisfaction with work, salary, and possibilities of promotion is associated with class dissatisfaction, but these were not associated with a particular class and were not translated by the majority into support for class politics. These findings suggest that class consciousness is weak in Israel, but in most of the dimensions our findings are similar to those found in other western industrial nations. Israeli images of the class structure differ little from those found in other industrial societies, and Israelis were no less ready to locate themselves within the class structure and make a positive affective identification with their class. The majority of respondents, including blue-collar workers, did not perceive a high level of class conflict or feel that the distribution of material goods, status, and political power was unfair, but the low scores in these dimensions were no lower than the scores reported in other countries; in fact, the proportions of blue-collar workers who produced dichotomous images and expressed class dissatisfaction were closer to the more radical French workers than to the British (see Gallic, 1983 for a comparison of French and British workers). We have demonstrated that it is important to compare dimensions of class consciousness among different classes or socio-economic strata according to 60170 different definitions and conceptions. This has shown that in Israel there are correlations between classes or socio-economic strata, as objectively defined, and various dimensions of class consciousness, but that there are no patterns of class consciousness that clearly differentiate the classes into discrete groups. In fact, the purely statistical dichotomous division of the sample into "higher" and "lower" SES categories was found to have the strongest links (or the least weak links) with most of the dimensions of class consciousness. It is possible that there are clearer boundaries of class consciousness in other industrial nations, but we would submit that this has yet to be proven. Where Israel does differ from at least some of the European industrial societies is in its low level of politicized class consciousness. We note that comparisons of levels of class consciousness among western societies have emphasized the importance of unionization, and political parties, and their strategies in accounting for differences. A comparison of the United States and Britain found little difference in the class perceptions of Americans and British, but it was noted that the class structuring of British politics has produced the belief that there is more class consciousness in Britain (Venneman, 1980). The more radical (although rarely revolutionary) forms of class consciousness among French and Italian workers have been explained in large part by the influence of the French and Italian left political parties that have sharpened class consciousness and generalized class resentment into political strategies (Gallie, 1983; Parkin, 1972; Mann, 1973). The Israeli case tends to substantiate the importance of political parties with regard both to the level of public and scholarly discourse on classes and to the level of radicalism in the class consciousness of blue-collar workers. The divisions between the major parties and the major political debates in Israel have not focussed on "class issues". The Histadrut, which has been largely controlled by the Labour party, includes large industrial and commercial corporations and has been a major employer. The class resentment of a large proportion of low ranking employees, as well as that of small-scale independents, has been in consequence directed against the "representatives of labour" .3 3 Within this framework, there was little possibility for the development of political forms of class consciousness. In many countries resentment of class inequality has not necessarily induced opposition to the prevailing structure of the society or support for radical politics. The case of Israel shows that feelings of class deprivation need not even generate support for class political organization. Superficial comparisons with other countries might have led us to expect that Israel would have a high level of class consciousness among workers; in western societies class consciousness is often associated with unionization of a high proportion of workers and a strong Labour party (Korpi, 1983), and Israel has both. Many writers, both Marxist and Weberian, have explained variations in class consciousness among societies by differences in the political sphere which is granted a "relative autonomy" from the economy. In Israel, however, there is an interpenetration of the economy not only by the state but 61171 also by the federation of unions and the Labour party. It is the relative lack of differentiation between the political and economic spheres that has resulted in a relatively low level of politicized class consciousness. REFERENCES Ayalon, H. Ben-Rafael, E. and Sharot, S. 1985 "Variations in ethnic identification among Israeli Jews ," Ethnic and Racial Studies 8, 389-407. 1986 "The Costs and Benefits of Ethnic Identification," British Journal of Sociology 37, 550-568. Bell, W. and Robinson, R.V. 1980 "Cognitive Maps of Class and Racial Inequalities in England and the United States," American Journal of Sociology, 86, 320-349. Ben-Porat, A. 1985 "An Ontological Model of Class Consciousness," International Journal of Comparative Sociology 26, 60-74. Ben-Porath, Y. 1983 "The Conservative Turnabout that never was," Jerusalem Quarterly 29, 3-11. Britten, N. 1984 "Class Imagery in a National Sample of Women and Men," British Journal of Sociology. 25, 406-434. Coleman, R.P. and Rainwater, L. 1978 Social Standing in America. New York , Basic Books. Dahrendorf, R. 1959 Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society. Stanford, Stanford University Press. Eisenstadt, S.N. 1985 The Transformation of Israeli Society. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Gallie, D. 1983 Social Inequality and Class Radicalism in France and Britain . Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Giddens, A. 1973 The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies. London, Hutchinson. Graetz, B.R. 1983 "Images of Class in Modern Society: Structure, Sentiment, and Social Location," Sociology, 17, 79-96. Hartman, M. 1975 Occupation as a Measure of Social Class in Israeli Society. (in Hebrew) Tel Aviv, Tel Aviv University . Hartman M. and Ayalon, H. 1975 "Origin and Class in Israel," Megamot, (in Hebrew), 21, 24-39. Hiller, P. 1975 "Continuities and Variations in Everday Conceptual Components of Class," Sociology, 9, 255-281. Jackson, M.R. and Jackson, R.W. 1983 Class Awareness in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press. Korpi, W. 1983 The Democratic Class Struggle. London , Routledge & Kegan Paul. Landecker, W.S. 1981 Class Crystallization. New Brunswick , Rutgers University Press. Lopreato, J. and Hazelrigg, L.E. 1972 Class, Conflict, and Mobility San Francisco , Chandler Publishing Company. Mann, M. 1973 Consciousness and Action among the Western Working Class . London, Macmillan. 62172 Machover, M. and Orr, A. 1971 "The Class Nature of Israeli Society," New Left Review, 65, 3-26. Parkin, F. 1972 Class Inequality and Political Order. St. Albans, Paladin. 1979 Marxism and Class Theory: A Bourgeoise Critique. London, Tavistock. Phizacklea, A. and Miles, R. 1980 Labour and Racism. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul. Poulantzas, N. 1975 Classes in Contemporary Capitalism. London, New Left books. Robinson, R.V. and Bell, W. 1978 "Equality, Success, and Social Justice in England and the United States," American Sociological Review, 43, 125-143. Scase, R. 1974 "English and Swedish Concepts of Class," in F. Parkin (ed.) The Social Analysis of Class Structure. London, Tavistock. Smooha, S. 1978 Israel: Pluralism and Conflict. London , Routledge & Kegan Paul. Smooha, S. and Peres, Y. 1981 "The Dynamics of Ethnic Inequalities: The Case of Israel ," in Ernest Krausz (ed.), Studies of Israeli Society: Migration, Ethnicity and Community. New Brunswick, Transaction Books. Swirski, S. 1981 ... Lo Nehkshalim Ela Menuhkshalim (Orientals and Ashkenazim in Israel: The Ethnic Division of Labour). (Hebrew) Haifa , Mahbarot Le'Mehkar U'Lebikoret. Vanneman, R.D. 1980 "U.S. and British Perceptions of Class," American Journal of Sociology, 85, 759-790. Wright, E.O. 1985 Classes. London, Verso. Zureik, E.T. 1979 The Palestinians in Israel, A Study in Internal Colonialism London, Routledge & Kegan Paul . NOTES 1 The SES index was based on the sum of the standardized scores of the three components— years of schooling, occupational prestige (coded by Hartman's 1975 Israeli occupational prestige scale) and housing density (number of rooms in house divided by household members). Each component was weighted by its factor loadings using the method of prin cipal factor. A single factor accounted for 55.8% of the items' variance. The items' loadings were: .42 for years of schooling, .83 for occupational prestige, and -.47 for house ing density. 2 A regression analysis shows that the SES components and the blue-collar/white-collar classification account together for 5.8% of the variance in the number of classes perceived; the factor with clear influence is occupational prestige (β = .13) and the blue-collar/white- collar classification does not add to the explanation. 3 The support for the Labour alignment among the five class categories was as follows: lower blue-collar 20 %, higher blue-collar 28% ; independents 27%, lower white-collar 31%, higher white-collar 38%. 1 The SES index was based on the sum of the standardized scores of the three components— years of schooling, occupational prestige (coded by Hartman's 1975 Israeli occupational prestige scale) and housing density (number of rooms in house divided by household members). Each component was weighted by its factor loadings using the method of prin cipal factor. A single factor accounted for 55.8% of the items' variance. The items' loadings were: .42 for years of schooling, .83 for occupational prestige, and -.47 for house ing density. 2 A regression analysis shows that the SES components and the blue-collar/white-collar classification account together for 5.8% of the variance in the number of classes perceived; the factor with clear influence is occupational prestige (β = .13) and the blue-collar/white- collar classification does not add to the explanation. 3 The support for the Labour alignment among the five class categories was as follows: lower blue-collar 20 %, higher blue-collar 28% ; independents 27%, lower white-collar 31%, higher white-collar 38%.
PY - 1987
Y1 - 1987
N2 - This study investigates dimensions of class consciousness (cognitive, affective, evaluative) in Israel and analyses their relationships to alternative and overlapping objectively conceived class classifications. Variance in a number of interrelated cognitive dimensions was found to be mainly associated with class classifications that focus on work-occupational situations, but none of the affective/evaluative dimensions were found to have a uniform relationship with any class classification. Israel is similar to many other industrial nations with respect to the pattern and strength of most class consciousness dimensions, but the political dimension is especially weak and this is related to the importance of the Labour political and union organizations in the control and regulation of the Israeli economy.
AB - This study investigates dimensions of class consciousness (cognitive, affective, evaluative) in Israel and analyses their relationships to alternative and overlapping objectively conceived class classifications. Variance in a number of interrelated cognitive dimensions was found to be mainly associated with class classifications that focus on work-occupational situations, but none of the affective/evaluative dimensions were found to have a uniform relationship with any class classification. Israel is similar to many other industrial nations with respect to the pattern and strength of most class consciousness dimensions, but the political dimension is especially weak and this is related to the importance of the Labour political and union organizations in the control and regulation of the Israeli economy.
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U2 - 10.1163/156854287X00121
DO - 10.1163/156854287X00121
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AN - SCOPUS:34247783290
SN - 0020-7152
VL - 28
SP - 158
EP - 172
JO - International Journal of Comparative Sociology
JF - International Journal of Comparative Sociology
IS - 3-4